Listening to the Silenced: The urgent case for grassroots storytelling

I arrived in Grahamstown (now Makhanda) in late 2017 to pursue Journalism and Media Studies at Rhodes University. I identify as an activist-journalist, rooted in over a decade of community organizing and grassroots media development. My journey into journalism is not driven by a desire to serve commercial interests or nationalist agendas, but by a commitment to the progressive-alternative media tradition of South Africa—media that seeks to serve the people rather than profit.

Mainstream media in South Africa often appears detached from the lived realities of township residents, or what Wigston (2007: 40) calls “labour and life in the townships.” My interest lies precisely with those whose voices are too often ignored or silenced.

Christian et al. (2009: 31) observe that the powerless and oppressed are largely excluded from mainstream political and social life, and thus, from its media representation. These communities—often marginalised by race, education, income, geography, health, criminalisation, or a mix of these factors—are seldom seen as worthy of coverage, let alone as target audiences. When they do appear in the media, it is typically in reductive tropes: as victims needing help or as disruptive protesters threatening societal norms and access to capital (Christian et al., 2009: 31).

Journalism and Its Responsibilities

A turning point for me was a course titled Institution and Representation, facilitated by Dr Priscilla Boshoff. It raised essential questions about the institutional frameworks, representational practices, and social reception of South African journalism. The insights from Mr. Ryan Hancocks, director of the South African Reserve Bank Centre for Economic Journalism (SARB-CEJ), deepened my conviction that journalism must serve the downtrodden rather than the elites.

Hancocks argued that economics journalism in South Africa is virtually silent on the informal economy—the lifeblood of millions in working-class and poor communities. Despite its massive contribution to the national economy, this sector remains largely invisible in mainstream narratives.

While Schudson (1999: 118) reminds us that we are awash in information, he also highlights the need to make sense of it. Cultural theorists such as Stuart Hall (1980, 2013), Jeanne Prinsloo (2009), Ien Ang (1985, 1990), and others provide the tools to critically decode the meanings behind media texts.

Representation, Meaning, and Media Narratives

Hall (1980, 2013) asserts that media doesn't merely reflect reality—it constructs meaning through dominant codes. Meanings are signified using signs, such as images or words, which are then interpreted by audiences. These signs carry both denotative (literal) and connotative (implied or cultural) meanings. While media attempts to encode dominant ideologies, audiences may decode them differently based on their own experiences.

As Hall famously wrote:

“If no meaning is taken, there can be no consumption... no one moment can fully guarantee the next moment.” (Hall, 1980: 129)

Media institutions, particularly broadcasters, must resonate with their audiences' social and political realities—but they cannot control how meaning is received or reinterpreted.

Dr. Prinsloo employed narrative analysis tools, such as Todorov’s five stages (equilibrium, disruption, recognition, repair, restoration) and Propp’s functions of narrative, to show how meaning is structured. She used a University of Cape Town advert as a case study, illustrating how the disruption of “worry about the future” was resolved through education, returning the subject to an ideal state of equilibrium. These structures often reflect dominant ideologies and subtly reinforce hegemonic norms.

Culture, Power, and Audience Agency

Ien Ang (1990) defines cultural studies as a broad, politically engaged discipline that rejects rigid academic boundaries. In her research on the U.S. soap opera Dallas, Ang found that audiences did not passively absorb content but actively created meaning based on personal and cultural contexts. Audiences, especially in marginalised settings, are not powerless spectators. They interpret media content through their own lenses.

This perspective was affirmed by Wigston (2007), who documented how South Africa's mainstream media failed to meet the needs of its diverse public. Alternative media played a significant role, particularly during the 1980s, and even today, audience preferences challenge dominant media narratives, particularly with the demand for more inclusive, positive, and representative content.

From the Classroom to the Streets

In class, we engaged directly with these theories. We brought in advertisements—from magazines, newspapers, and television—and analyzed their representational strategies: colour, wording, signifiers, and gendered tropes. We identified denotation and connotation, as well as narrative stages, and discussed how these ads conveyed meaning, often reinforcing societal norms.

For instance, presentations on masculinity in media looked at beer ads, double-cab trucks, laundry detergents, and Oreo biscuits. These products were portrayed as agents of happiness and transformation. Beer and trucks were coded as masculine (freedom, adventure), while detergent and biscuits were linked to femininity (domestic work, caregiving). Such portrayals repackage patriarchal values within modern branding.

One particularly revealing analysis showed how beer advertisements fused rural and urban symbols with anti-apartheid and youth imagery. This helped audiences associate drinking with freedom and social upliftment—subtly folding resistance into consumerism.

Tabloids and the Working-Class Audience

We also conducted field interviews with tabloid readers in Grahamstown. These papers, such as the Daily Sun, emerged post-2000 and target working-class and poor communities with sensational, relatable content. According to Wigston (2007: 52), while they reflect everyday realities, they often reinforce harmful norms—sexism, xenophobia, and poor journalistic ethics.

Interestingly, the progressive-alternative press is weak, and mainstream “quality” journalism largely ignores the lives of the working majority. It is these capitalist-owned tabloids that have filled the void.

In peer interviews, we also explored how media had shaped our own lives as Rhodes students. Besides the work of Prof. Larry Strelitz (2001), there is little research on media consumption within this academic community. Yet, as emerging journalists, our perspectives and practices are shaped by how we engage with media—and with each other.

Toward a Journalism of Liberation

The experiences and reflections I’ve shared reaffirm the urgent need for activist journalism in South Africa. Journalism must not only inform—it must challenge, amplify the voices of the marginalised, and expose systemic silences. It must reject complicity in elite narratives and instead create platforms where people can see themselves not as problems or bystanders, but as protagonists of their own stories.

Our society is rich in stories, complexity, and resilience. The role of activist-journalists is to listen deeply, speak truth to power, and help build the kind of media ecosystem that supports justice—not just clicks.